One of the major objections raised by a group of Islamic scholars against democracy is that establishing an Islamic government through the prevailing democratic system is simply impossible. This is because democratic elections, in practice, often become a game of money, a game of power and influence, a game of ballot-box snatching, a game of stuffing ballot boxes with fraudulent votes, and so on. People committed to Islamic ideals cannot engage in such practices. Consequently, it is supposedly impossible for them to achieve a decisive electoral victory, win as a political group, or at least secure a majority.

Furthermore, since democracy requires the acceptance of different political parties and ideologies, as well as their right to nurture and promote their own views, ideas, and ideological positions, it is argued that establishing Islam through democracy is altogether impossible.

There are two distinct issues within this objection. First, it is argued that forming an Islamic government through democracy and enabling Islamists to win elections and come to power are impossible. Second, it is claimed that establishing Islam through democracy is impossible.

# 1. The Possibility of Forming an Islamic Government through Democracy

Our response to the first issue is as follows.

We believe that although this argument may appear valid in light of the actual practice of democracy in certain countries, it is not justified when assessed against the fundamental concept, ideals, and objectives of democracy itself. We know of many countries in the Muslim world—including Sudan, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Türkiye, Malaysia, Egypt, and most countries in the Middle East—where, if democracy were allowed to develop properly, Islamists could form governments within a relatively short period. For this very reason, powerful global actors hostile to Muslims have been obstructing the development of democratic practices in these countries through various means, so that Islamists cannot come to power.

The fundamental point is this:

The existing democratic electoral system is not the principal obstacle to forming an Islamic government. The greatest requirement for establishing such a government is to build widespread public support for it. To achieve this, Islamists must make the fullest possible use of contemporary means of shaping public opinion to win over the wider population in favour of Islamic governance. This requires expanding *da‘wah* and *tarbiyah* activities, building strong organizations, and substantially extending educational and social-service initiatives.

Needless to say, if the majority of a country's population desires an Islamic government, a properly functioning democratic electoral system will not obstruct its establishment; rather, it will make the path broader and easier. Islam does not endorse attempts to establish an Islamic government through coercion and force, by any means necessary, against the will of the people. Even if such a government could somehow be established, sustaining it under the prevailing global circumstances would be virtually impossible.

Many people cite the recent experiences of Egypt and Algeria in support of the argument that an Islamic government can never be established through democracy. In Algeria, Islamists won the election but were unable to assume power; in Egypt, they came to power but could not remain there. We believe these outcomes were not inherent defects of democracy itself. Rather, democratic conditions had prevailed for a time in both countries, enabling Islamists to win elections and, in Egypt's case, to assume power.

The reasons for their failures—whether their inability to take power or their inability to retain it—lay primarily in international and regional conspiracies, destructive political manoeuvring, and the ambitions of the military. According to some analysts, the United States and Israel were the principal forces behind the downfall of Mohamed Morsi in Egypt, while Saudi Arabia also secretly participated in various ways. They regarded the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt as a threat to their own interests and their influence over the Middle East.

It should be noted that Islam is not fully established merely because Islamists come to power through democratic elections and form a government. Islam represents a revolution—a fundamental transformation of society. It entails change in every sphere, from the individual to the state. Establishing Islam does not mean merely implementing two or four specific rulings. Rather, it means fully implementing and establishing Islamic principles in every sphere of individual thought, consciousness, and belief, as well as in family life, society, and the state.

Needless to say, achieving such a comprehensive establishment of Islam and bringing about such a radical transformation through democracy would be extremely difficult. As noted earlier, democracy requires the recognition of different political parties and ideologies and their right to promote their own views, ideas, and ideological positions, even when these are clearly contrary to the interests of Islam and the Muslim Ummah. In a genuinely Islamic state, however, freedom of expression cannot be invoked to justify unrestricted opportunities to campaign against Islam and its teachings.

# 2. The Role of Mass Movements in Fundamental Political Change

It must be acknowledged that major social transformations—particularly changes in systems of governance, the overthrow of authoritarian governments, and the establishment of ideological systems—rarely occur through procedural or institutional means alone. They require the development of widespread public opinion and mass mobilization. Historically, major transformations around the world have taken place through mass movements.

Consider the establishment of socialism in China, the collapse of socialism in Russia, the Iranian Revolution, or the establishment of the Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan: none of these transformations occurred through electoral voting; rather, they took place through mass mobilization.

Likewise, the fall of authoritarian rule in Bangladesh, both in the 1990s and in 2024, did not occur through elections alone; mass movements played the decisive role.

In short, if widespread public support can be built for establishing Islam at the state level, and the demand for Islam can be transformed into a popular demand, then it may become possible to establish an Islamic system comprehensively through mass mobilization.

As mentioned earlier, there are many Muslim countries where Islamists could form governments within a relatively short period if democracy were allowed to develop properly. Nevertheless, under existing circumstances, even if Islamists came to power in these countries, establishing a fully-fledged Islamic state and implementing Islamic rulings throughout every sphere of society and the state would remain extremely difficult, if not virtually impossible.

For the time being, if Islamic governments are formed in these countries, they could pursue programmes such as initiating measures to establish social equality and justice and, taking the overall circumstances into account, gradually implementing Islamic rulings to the greatest extent practicable.

Needless to say, attempting to establish a fully-fledged Islamic state all at once and introduce Islamic rulings throughout every sphere of society and the state could fail altogether. In certain circumstances, it could even lead to a major catastrophe and potentially jeopardize the very survival of those pursuing the project.

It is worth noting that all the Prophets and Messengers initially invited their respective peoples to *Tawhid*—the oneness of Allah. Only after a people accepted this call were they gradually invited to observe other religious commandments. One of Allah's great favours upon the Muslim Ummah is that He did not reveal all the rulings of the Shariah at once; rather, He introduced them progressively. Furthermore, the final rulings concerning many matters were not implemented in a single day.

At the advent of Islam, drinking alcohol was a common practice among the Arabs and, indeed, among people throughout the world. They did not consider it a punishable offence. Similarly, illicit sexual relations were widespread and regarded as ordinary social behaviour. In Islam, however, drinking alcohol, *zina* (unlawful sexual intercourse), and similar acts are serious offences subject to punishment.

Yet Islam proceeded gradually in transforming these long-established habits and patterns of behaviour. Had such practices been prohibited completely and abruptly, compliance would have been extremely difficult for people at that time. Many might not have taken the prohibitions seriously at all.

In this connection, Umm al-Mu’minin ‘A’ishah (RA) said:

> “Among the earliest surahs revealed in the Qur’an were those mentioning Paradise and Hell. Then, when people began embracing Islam in large numbers, the surahs containing rulings concerning what is lawful and unlawful were revealed. Had the command ‘Do not drink wine’ been revealed at the outset, they would certainly have said, ‘We will never give up drinking wine.’ Had the command ‘Do not commit adultery’ been revealed at the outset, they would certainly have said, ‘We will never abandon illicit sexual relations.’ …”

> —Sahih al-Bukhari

It is narrated from Sayyiduna Ibn ‘Abbas (RA) that he said:

> “Allah sent Muhammad (SAW) with the mission of calling people to testify that there is no true deity except Allah. When the believers acknowledged this, prayer was made obligatory upon them. When they established prayer, fasting was prescribed for them. When they observed fasting, zakat was made obligatory upon them. When they fulfilled the obligation of zakat, Hajj was prescribed for them. When they fulfilled the obligation of Hajj, the command concerning jihad was given. Thereafter, this verse was revealed: ‘Today I have perfected your religion for you, completed My favour upon you, and chosen Islam as your religion.’”

> —Tafsir al-Tabari

These narrations teach us the importance of maintaining a proper sequence and progression in the process of *da‘wah*, according to the relative importance of different matters. We must therefore give this principle serious consideration in our efforts to establish Islam.

It is reported that Caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (RA) took time to implement certain rulings of the Shariah after becoming caliph. When his son ‘Abd al-Malik (RA) urged him to implement these rulings more quickly, he replied:

> “My dear son, do not be hasty! Allah Himself first condemned wine on two occasions in the Qur’an and prohibited it on the third. I fear that if I were to instruct all the people to accept and follow the entire truth all at once, they might collectively reject it, thereby giving rise to *fitnah*.”

> —Al-Muwafaqat

# 3. The Contemporary Global Political Reality and the Strategy of Islamists

The unfortunate reality today is that powerful global actors have established their overwhelming dominance over Muslim countries and continue to politically and economically control and exploit them through the formidable mechanisms of internationalism and globalization. Under these circumstances, empowering Islamists or establishing Islamic states in Muslim countries has become extremely difficult. Indeed, even preserving their independent existence has become a formidable challenge.

Unless major changes take place in the global and regional political order, it will be difficult for Islamists to come to power in almost any country in the foreseeable future—whether through democracy, mass movements, or armed jihad—even where they enjoy substantial popular support. And even if they somehow manage to assume power, remaining independent and sustaining their rule will be enormously challenging. To this day, the Muslim world has not sufficiently developed the kind of Islamic leadership and collective Muslim consciousness needed to overcome these challenges.

In view of this global political reality, the participation of Islamists in democratic politics and elections in democratic Muslim countries may serve purposes beyond merely coming to power. It may also be necessary to preserve their existence and progressively consolidate their position.

Under such adverse political conditions, Islamists can, at the very least, make appropriate use of whatever opportunities are available to them through democratic elections. They can seek to emerge as a significant pressure group or interest group within the political arena and, through this process, secure as much benefit as possible for the interests and welfare of the *Din* and the Muslim *Millah*.

Conversely, if Islamists altogether abandon democratic politics and boycott elections under these circumstances, they may, in many cases, disappear entirely from the political landscape. As a result, preserving their existence and distinctive identity and maintaining a dignified position may become considerably more difficult.

This argument applies even more strongly to Bangladesh. Given contemporary global politics and Bangladesh's geographical position—particularly its location in close proximity to India—empowering Islamists or establishing an Islamic state or caliphate has become extremely difficult. Indeed, simply surviving independently and standing tall with dignity has itself become a considerable challenge.

Under the existing circumstances, it should be evident that contemplating the formation of a government or the establishment of a state by Islamic forces outside the democratic process, or expecting such a state to survive with its full sovereignty and dignity, would be an imprudent and unrealistic proposition.

Therefore, for the time being, Islamic parties must continue to work through the democratic process and consolidate their position as far as possible, until favourable changes occur in global and regional politics.

This does not mean, however, that we should abandon our efforts to establish a fully-fledged Islamic state or caliphate. Rather, we must continue working towards our goal through timely and realistic programmes and plans, carefully monitoring the overall situation and adapting our strategies accordingly. Our efforts must continue without interruption. Allah Most High can change circumstances at any moment, if He so wills!

# 4. Can the Afghan Experience Be Replicated in Bangladesh?

Some people cite Afghanistan as an example. Their argument is: if the Islamic Emirate could be established there through a revolution, why should the same not be possible in Bangladesh or other countries?

We believe that Afghanistan's history and geographical position differ considerably from those of Bangladesh and other countries.

First, the Afghans have demonstrated extraordinary resilience by fighting the world's major powers for nearly half a century. Throughout this prolonged struggle, they made enormous sacrifices and endured extreme tests of patience. In a sense, Afghan children grew up hearing the sounds of bombs from the moment they were born, spending their formative years amid war and conflict. Over time, they developed into a formidable force, and Afghanistan came to be known as the “graveyard of empires.”

Even after conducting prolonged military campaigns, global powers—including the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union—failed to bring the Afghan people under their control and ultimately withdrew in defeat.

Political analyst Asby observes:

> “Objectively speaking, Afghanistan is a difficult place. It is a complex country with unstable infrastructure, very limited development, and vast expanses of land surrounding the region. … The Soviet Union, Britain, and the United States showed little flexibility in dealing with Afghanistan. They wanted to pursue their own course and advanced a considerable distance, but they never truly understood Afghanistan's complexities.”

Afghanistan has now reached a position where it seems unlikely that another power would readily risk launching an attack on what has been called the “graveyard of empires.”

Second, Afghanistan's geographical position is also considerably more favourable than Bangladesh's. It lies among several Muslim-majority countries, sharing borders with Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, among others. At different times, it has received various forms of assistance, including essential supplies and logistical support, from these countries.

Third, approximately 99 percent of Afghanistan's population is Muslim. Consequently, the possibility of conspiracies within the country being organized by minority groups was, arguably, relatively limited.

The situation in Bangladesh is quite different.

First, Bangladesh has yet to produce a sufficiently large number of dedicated and determined individuals with the resilience required to withstand prolonged confrontation with major international and regional powers.

Second, we must ask: to what extent do we possess the strength, resources, supplies, and equipment necessary to sustain a prolonged struggle against a major power? Given that India surrounds Bangladesh on several sides, obtaining external assistance would also be extremely difficult.

Third, the majority of our population is not yet prepared for an Islamic revolution. Although people love Islam, they do not necessarily sincerely desire its establishment as the governing system of the state. Consequently, they are not prepared to make major sacrifices towards that objective.

Fourth, although Bangladesh is a country with a notable tradition of communal harmony, neighbouring India, according to the author's assessment, repeatedly engages in new conspiracies in pursuit of its interests by using certain sections of minority communities.

Fifth, our Islamic forces are neither sufficiently consolidated nor united. They are divided into numerous parties, subgroups, branches, and factions and are frequently engaged in internal disputes. Furthermore, their involvement in social welfare and public-service activities remains below expectations. Under these circumstances, the public has been unable to develop sufficient confidence in them to entrust them with the responsibility of governing the state.

Therefore, every country must be assessed in light of its own history, heritage, capabilities, resources, and geographical position—not on the basis of another country's history, heritage, capabilities, resources, or circumstances.

# 5. The Potential Benefits of Democratic Participation for Islamists

The preceding discussion suggests that, in certain circumstances, Islamists may be able to come to power through democratic means and even form a government. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that this method cannot, by itself, bring about the complete establishment of Islam throughout society and the state.

Under the prevailing political circumstances, however, participation in a democratic system may provide certain advantages for promoting Islam in society and the state—advantages that would be difficult to obtain under other systems of governance, such as monarchy, one-party rule, or authoritarianism.

These advantages are outlined below.

## A. It Is Possible to Build Widespread Public Support for Islam

Democracy provides freedom of speech, the right to hold meetings and public gatherings, and the opportunity to conduct public campaigns. These freedoms can be used to promote Islam openly and build widespread public support for it.

## B. Islamists Can Strengthen Their Organizational Foundations

Since democracy permits the formation of various social and political parties, organizations, and associations, and allows them to conduct their activities and organizational programmes, Islamists can also establish their own parties and organizations and carry out their activities with relative freedom. In this way, they can strengthen their organizational foundations within a democratic system.

## C. It Is Possible to Secure Participation at Every Level of the State and Society

Under a democratic system, citizens enjoy equal rights, and every citizen has the right to occupy any position for which they possess the requisite qualifications and capabilities. This makes it easier for Islamists to expand their participation at all levels of society and the state.

## D. Mass Uprisings Can Be Mobilized More Easily

Since citizens in a democratic system can freely organize meetings, conferences, public demonstrations, and marches, such freedoms may also make it easier to mobilize mass uprisings and bring about revolutionary change.

## E. It Is Possible to Replace a Government Opposed to Islam

Since elections are held at regular intervals in a democratic system and citizens have the opportunity to elect their representatives, a government opposed to Islam can be replaced through an orderly process based on public opinion. In certain circumstances, Islamists may also be able to form a government themselves.

From the forthcoming new edition of the book **Democracy: An Islamic Perspective***