1. The Distinctive Character of the Qawmi Madrasa Education System
The Qawmi madrasa system is a traditional, independent, and largely government-free educational system that has operated for a long time. It has its own educational philosophy, curriculum (syllabus), and administrative principles, generally structured around the Usul-e-Hashtagana (the eight foundational principles). This distinctiveness constitutes one of the fundamental characteristics of the Qawmi madrasa education system.
2. The Right to Autonomy and Its Limits
If Qawmi madrasas wish to operate entirely free from government influence, in accordance with their traditional principles and policies, this is undoubtedly their own legitimate right.
In such circumstances, the development, refinement, or reform of their curricula falls entirely within their internal decision-making processes and institutional jurisdiction. In principle, intervention by external parties would be inappropriate. From the perspective of educational autonomy, this position is entirely defensible.
3. Government Recognition and Mutual Understanding
If Qawmi madrasas wish to move beyond the confines of their traditional autonomous framework to obtain state recognition, or seek government facilities and benefits—such as formal recognition of their certificates, infrastructural assistance, or state-sponsored benefits for students—then establishing an institutional and policy-based understanding with the state becomes inevitable.
State recognition is not merely a unilateral administrative declaration; rather, it is a bilateral process. On the one hand, the state expects standards, accountability, and a minimum degree of structural alignment. On the other, the educational institutions concerned agree to become integrated, albeit to a limited extent, into the state framework.
In this process, the political party in power—whether the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islami, or any other political force—is, in principle, a secondary consideration. This is because the state's education policy, administrative framework, and fundamental principles governing recognition constitute an institutional reality that transcends individual or partisan preferences.
Consequently, any government is likely to introduce certain common conditions, minimum standards, and requirements for structural coordination when granting official recognition. This is a normal feature of state administration.
4. The Relevance of Syllabus Reform
One of the fundamental and widely accepted characteristics of any educational system is the continuous review and improvement of its curriculum in response to changes in time, society, and practical realities. As knowledge production evolves and social structures change, corresponding adjustments in educational objectives, content, and methods become inevitable.
For this reason, curriculum reform has become an established and ongoing institutional practice in modern general education systems. At specified intervals, syllabuses are reassessed, new subjects are introduced, and irrelevant or repetitive material is revised.
In light of this general principle, discussions have emerged in various quarters regarding the need to introduce certain contemporary subjects into the Qawmi madrasa system and reorganize elements of its classical curriculum through more relevant presentations and arrangements. Such discussions have become particularly significant in view of changing social realities, students' engagement with state institutions, and the challenges they face in their professional lives.
The reality, however, is that differences of opinion, hesitation, and uncertainty persist even among the relevant body of ʿulama (Islamic scholars), madrasa authorities, and educationists regarding the extent to which these discussions are being translated into institutional decisions, how effectively reform initiatives are being implemented, and whether they are producing the intended results.
These differences indicate that curriculum reform in the Qawmi madrasa system remains an ongoing, contested, and sensitive process.
5. Board Structures and Curricular Diversity
At present, Bangladesh has six regional boards for Qawmi madrasas. In addition, there is a central board known as Al-Hayʾatul ʿUlya lil-Jamiʿatil Qawmiyyah, which primarily conducts examinations and awards certificates at the Dawrah-e Hadith level, recognized as equivalent to a master's degree.
There is no complete uniformity in the curricula and academic programs of the regional boards. Even among madrasas affiliated with the same board, considerable variations exist in syllabuses and teaching practices.
Although Qawmi madrasas in Bangladesh are primarily influenced by the educational tradition of Darul Uloom Deoband in India, some institutions have adopted the model of Nadwatul Ulama in India, particularly in their efforts to introduce modern subjects.
Such differences are also clearly evident in the syllabuses and curricula developed by the largest board, Befaq-ul-Madarisil Arabia Bangladesh, and the oldest board, Anjuman-e Ittihad-ul-Madaris Bangladesh.
6. Conditions for Government Recognition and the Need for Reform
If Qawmi madrasas wish to pursue government recognition and access state-sponsored facilities and benefits, reconsideration of certain aspects of their curricula and educational structures becomes inevitable.
State recognition generally entails expectations concerning minimum educational standards, transparency in curricular structure, the acceptability of assessment systems, and students' competencies and capabilities.
Against this backdrop, introducing certain contemporary and relevant subjects into the existing Qawmi madrasa curriculum—such as language proficiency, fundamental social and civic knowledge, and subjects that help students engage with modern realities—along with the rational revision of curricular arrangements where necessary, becomes important.
Rather than viewing such additions and reforms as incompatible with religious education, they may be regarded as means of enhancing its effectiveness and social relevance.
The most important condition for this reform process, however, is that it must be led from within the Qawmi madrasa system itself. Decisions regarding curricular reform, subject selection, and structural changes should be made in light of the advice, ijtihadi reasoning, and collective wisdom of senior ʿulama, experienced mashayikh and murabbis, and relevant educationists.
This would help preserve the system's religious heritage and ideological distinctiveness while enabling it to meet the minimum standards required for state recognition.
Conversely, if external pressure, administrative coercion, or ideologically insensitive intervention is imposed on this process, it could generate distrust, resistance, and conflict within the Qawmi education system. Instead of producing the desired outcomes, reform could then become a source of controversy and division.
Sustainable and acceptable reform therefore requires mutual trust, respect, and the active leadership of those within the system. Such an approach can facilitate the integration of Qawmi madrasas into the broader state framework without compromising their distinctive identity.
7. Assessing Jamaat-e-Islami's Election Manifesto
If Jamaat-e-Islami comes to power, institutional communication and coordination between the government and those Qawmi madrasas seeking official recognition and state-sponsored benefits will become a practical necessity.
Whether such engagement reflects the voluntary choice of the relevant Qawmi authorities or arises from circumstantial necessity, policy dialogue and mutual understanding between the government and educational institutions cannot be avoided once they enter the framework of state recognition. This is not a question of ideological affinity with any particular political party; rather, it is a structural reality of engagement with the state.
Against this backdrop, the commitments articulated in Jamaat-e-Islami's election manifesto concerning the Qawmi education system—including preserving its fundamental structure, refining the curriculum in consultation with senior ʿulama and akabir (eminent scholars and elders), expanding Qawmi education, improving madrasa infrastructure, and ensuring the institutional and social recognition of Qawmi certificates—may, in principle, be regarded as reflecting a positive policy orientation.
In particular, the stated intention to give due importance to the advice and leadership of the relevant scholarly community in curriculum reform suggests a degree of sensitivity towards preserving the autonomy, distinctiveness, and dignity of the Qawmi education system.
Rather than dismissing such declarations outright as political manoeuvring, acknowledging their policy significance and potential positive implications can form part of an objective and balanced assessment. From this perspective, expressing appreciation for such initiatives may be reasonable and appropriate.
At the same time, it is equally legitimate for the relevant stakeholders to express concern, scepticism, and caution regarding the extent to which commitments and promises made in an election manifesto will actually be implemented. In a democratic setting, raising such questions is a recognized right and a legitimate part of public discourse.
In light of past experience, political realities, and administrative constraints, questioning the feasibility of implementation is an integral part of constructive discussion.
However, dismissing the policy significance of these commitments or rejecting them outright solely on the basis of anticipated failure or speculative doubts does not fall within the scope of constructive criticism.
What is needed, rather, is a balanced approach: acknowledging the positive aspects of the commitments while firmly demanding transparency, accountability, and sustained dialogue throughout their implementation.
Such a dual approach is more likely to serve the interests of the Qawmi education system and help establish a balanced relationship between it and the state.